Political Groupings – The Future of the Left

April 14th, 2009  |  Published in Journal

john-nicholls

John Nicholls

John Nicholls is a 3rd year Economics undergraduate at the University of York and a member of the NGS. He attended the Mark Rusling seminar on the future of the left and discusses here how it lies in the international community. The pursuit of equality and liberty must be an international movement so we need to look beyond our own limited party politics.

Firstly I would like to express my humility in writing this article on a topic on which many more qualified people than myself have spent a great deal of time thinking, discussing and acting. It is merely a collection of ideas on my experience of, and vision for, left-wing politics. I’ll talk briefly about what “the left” is to me, what values it should uphold, and then move onto what can be practically done in the present and near future in order to advance the causes of human freedom, dignity and equality.

A politician whom I greatly admire for his honest, principled stance on major issues, whom undoubtedly still has his faults, is Tony Benn, former Labour MP and current President of the Stop the War Coalition. He regarded a desire for socialism as “the flame of anger at injustice and the flame of hope for a better world” (i). I will let this be my starting point. Left-wing politics stems from an outward looking approach to the world around us, from seeing things and thinking “hang on, that isn’t right!” It isn’t right that wars rage on across the world in the twenty-first century, many of them based on the plundering of natural resources for private profit, whilst thirty-thousand people die each day of poverty when we in the UK hold vast quantities of material wealth (ii). From there a positive outlook must be developed regarding what kind of values we think society should uphold and promote. The ones I believe to be held by the left are equality, democracy, human rights, liberty, solidarity and justice. This cannot be human rights for ‘us’ but not for ‘them’ or freedom for ‘us’ but not for ‘them’. These must be universal principles.

One of the foremost challenges of the left, and one that has been greatly neglected in my view, is to demonstrate that equality and liberty must in no way be opposing ideas, and can in fact be great complements. This liberty must be defined with a focus on life chances and self-realisation and not merely on earning capacity as proclaimed by contemporary “libertarians” on the right such as Ron Paul in the US and the Libertarian Party recently formed in the UK (iii). The words of anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist Rudolf Rocker are especially important in developing a positive view of liberty for the left. “Freedom is not an abstract philosophical concept, but the vital concrete possibility for every human being to bring to full development all capacities and talents with which nature has endowed him, and turn them into social account” (iv). Exposing the hypocrisy of many so-called libertarians is also important. Take as an example Alan Greenspan, the former Chair of the Federal Reserve in the United States, who describes himself as a “libertarian Republican” (v). When he openly stated that the invasion of Iraq was primarily about oil and that it was justified to gain control of the energy resources of the country for the stability of the global economy, one immediately can refute his claim to true libertarian values (vi). The imposition of a state that would conform to the interests of the US in terms of providing energy resources to US and British corporations at the cost of possibly over a million deaths and 4 million displaced in total cannot surely have anything to do with liberty (vii).

In the economic sphere, a sharp critique of the idea of late economists such as Milton Friedman and Friedrick Hayek, and their contemporary advocates is vital. This should be based on the simple fact that, in their advocacy for the “freedom to choose” (viii), their analysis takes no account of historical processes and the relationships in economic production. In his hugely influential book “Capitalism and Freedom”, Friedman attacks the wielding of political power whilst seemingly ignoring the concentration of private economic power; always dependent on the State, and which is most heavily manifested today in the form of multinational corporations. His analysis is therefore fundamentally incomplete, as it takes no account of power relations within economic institutions. Is a sweatshop in China, where workers are commanded to work sixteen-hour days, faced with intimidation and forced pregnancy tests for women, and where any form of collective organisation is met with oppression, firing and threats of violence, an example of contemporary freedom in action? (ix) The left must reclaim the language of freedom and completely dissociate from current and former dictatorial “socialist” regimes, in order to mount an effective dialogue for the future. As prominent libertarian socialist Noam Chomsky affirms, “[A serious radical movement] will not be able to satisfy itself with a litany of forms of oppression and injustice. It will have to provide compelling answers to the question of how these evils can be overcome by revolution or large-scale reform. To accomplish this aim, the left will have to achieve and maintain a position of honesty and commitment to libertarian values” (x).

The age-old debate between egalitarians of reform or revolution is, to me, a false dichotomy. A revolutionary process that upholds libertarian values is, in my view, required in order to enhance human freedom and equality. This must necessarily involve social and cultural transformation, in order for each member of society to actively participate in the creation of a more just and equal world. Actions such as opposition to state-imposed violence will continue to be an important part of this movement, along with the development of international networks of campaigners committed to protecting the environment for future generations and promoting sustainable and equal development. It must vehemently oppose all forms of racism and discrimination and seek to bridge cultural gaps across the world. It must therefore be an international movement.

Looking to the current party-political spectrum in the UK will always, as a result, be limiting. A plain look at the statistics of increasing inequality in Britain over the past 11 years of Labour government tells me that continued faith in the Labour Party will be met with huge disappointment. A study this year from the Institute for Fiscal Studies gives evidence of this (xi). This, remember, is after huge increases in public expenditure on health, education and social services that Labour Party supporters are so keen to remind us of. Is this failure to reduce income inequality a result of the spending not being enough? Or is it because a top-down approach within institutions largely dominated by private economic power is ultimately doomed to failure? This is the question I pose to Labour Party activists, many of whom share my values and work tirelessly for equality and justice.

So where would be a positive place for political power to lie in the UK in order to provide some stimulus for revolutionary change? An end to the two-party system in the UK with its huge democratic deficiencies must be a medium-term priority. The rise of the Liberal Democrats and the Green Party would be welcome in my view, as they both have important contributions to make in areas in which Labour has been spectacularly authoritarian and anti-egalitarian. These include involvement in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, legislation towards the restriction of civil liberties and incapacity to raise taxation at higher levels of income. The Liberal Democrats’ opposition to ID cards, other attacks on civil liberties and the Trident nuclear weapons system, its support for a fully-elected upper house, plans for local democratic accountability and decision-making in the NHS are all policies I believe those on the left in Britain should support (xii). Policies of the Green Party such as a commitment to affordable homes, a living wage and a ‘Green New Deal’ of large-scale investment in renewable energy sources should also be commended as part of a revitalised way forward (xiii). All this should come with support for some Labour policies that have been genuinely progressive, albeit perhaps limited in their outcomes, such as the Sure Start programmes, the national minimum wage and measures to tackle gender equality and minority rights under the recent Equality Bill (xiv). Working with political leadership of course is important, and I hope that the recent election of Barack Obama will provide a stimulus for real change around the world, whilst remaining critical of the potential that he himself and the Democratic Party around him have to move things in a positive direction.

If we recognise that the State is unlikely to provide the long-term change we are looking for, it is vital to look beyond political parties. The left needs to build effective and critical dialogue on a wide range of social, political and economic issues both in academic and popular circles. Activists such as Ann Pettifor from the Jubilee Debt campaign, Andrew Simms from the New Economics Foundation, as well as international campaigners such as Susan George from the Transnational Institute are a few prominent figures among many (xv). An alternative economics, away from the dominant mantras of the “free market”, and that has a critical perspective on mainstream thinking will be a key asset for the left. Groups such as the New Economics Foundation and the Post-Autistic Economics Network are currently important voices on these major issues (xvi). Coupled with this, the development of co-operative and social forms of enterprise both in the developed and developing world offers great potential (xvii). Independent and alternative media sources will also become increasingly important for the left, in order to overcome the tight control of the mainstream press in the hands of a few individuals. Primary current examples include ‘Democracy Now!’ and ‘The Real News Network’ in the US, and the Indymedia network in the UK, which is also part of a worldwide network (xviii). These will need to develop and expand in order to give more and more people the access to alternative news sources in this age of rapid flows of information across international borders.

Much of the work to be done by the left lies in my view in the anti-war movement, the environmental movement and the trade justice movement. These should all be at the centre of left politics and have the principles mentioned above of liberty, equality, human rights and justice at their very core. The dissolution of the authoritarian “far-left” parties such as the Socialist Workers’ Party would be one of the best things for these various movements in my view, and for the potential for real social change. The efforts of their members in the anti-war movement have been invaluable but their hidden Party agenda has, in my view, greatly discredited the message of the movement. As I have previously mentioned, a commitment to true libertarian values are absolutely essential in established a broad-based consensus on a transformative process towards the development of more democratic and equal political and economic institutions. Long-term visionary ideas should be present, and well as short-term actions. Examples of short-term activism include the success of the Big Ask campaign in pressuring for a Climate Change Bill mandating the government to implement at least a 60% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 (xix), and the Stop the War Coalition in turning public opinion slowly but surely against the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and stalling the path of the so-called ‘war on terror’. These important victories must be build upon in order to gain momentum in advancing libertarian socialist ideals.

Ultimately, the right is always on the side of power. It attempts to preserves power and authority with little regard to the social or environmental costs on others, or the scale of injustice and oppression. Developing a sharp critique of the ideology of right-wing “libertarianism” and exposing the deeply authoritarian nature of global state capitalism is a vital step. Beyond that lies the positive development of left-wing ideals, based on liberty, equality, solidarity and justice. Faith in the human condition to overcome injustice and oppression and seek a better world must be at the heart of current and future social movements of the left. This must be done in an open, non-dogmatic and practical way, with participants willing to alter ideas and adapt to a rapidly changing world around them. One might see this as a near impossible task. However I see this process as inevitable. Over history, one by one, numerous forms of domination and control have been overthrown, and I see no end to this process. Empire, slavery, oppression of women and minorities are all easy examples to give, whilst recognising that struggles on these areas continue today. The challenge for social movements of the left is to persist in facilitating these struggles for a freer, more peaceful and just world.

References
i. See www.socialistunity.com/?cat=227
ii. See ‘Persistence of Poverty’ at Institute of Cultural Affairs International website: http://icai-conference.org/tiki-view_forum.php?forumId=12
iii. See for example: www.theadvocates.org/celebrities/ron-paul.html, and http://lpuk.org/
iv Rocker, R., (1960), Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism in Eltzbacher, P., Anarchism, Freedom Press, London, p.236
v Joint interview with Naomi Klein on Democracy Now! available at: http://www.democracynow.org/2007/9/24/alan_greenspan_vs_naomi_klein_on
vi. See above
vii See http://www.opinion.co.uk/Newsroom_details.aspx?NewsId=78,
viii http://www.justforeignpolicy.org/iraq/iraqdeaths.html, http://www.iraqbodycount.org and the Lancet report at http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140673606694919/fulltext
ix Friedman, M., (1980), Free to Choose, Secker and Warburg, London
x See the film ‘China Blue’ as an example: www.pbs.org/independentlens/chinablue/film.html; also www.ethicalcorp.com/content.asp?ContentID=2514
xi Chomsky, N., (2003), Radical Priorities – edited by C.P. Otero, expanded third edition, p.190
xii Brewer, M. et al., (2008), Poverty and Inequality in the UK: 2008, available at www.ifs.org.uk for details see policy papers at www.libdems.org.uk/policies
xiii See policy at www.greenparty.org.uk/policies
xiv See policy at www.labour.org.uk/labour_policies and www.equalities.gov.uk
xv See for example http://debtonation.org/, www.onehundredmonths.org and www.tni.org
xvi For details see www.neweconomics.org and www.paecon.net
xvii See for example www.ica.coop/coop/index.html#significance and www.cooperatives-uk.coop
xviii Websites are: www.democracynow.org, therealnews.com, www.indymedia.org.uk and www.indymedia.org
xix See Friends of the Earth website: www.foe.co.uk

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